أي سيادة .. وأي استقلال !! ..

[نصير المهدي]

لم يترك المتعاونون مع الاحتلال فرصة الا وصبوا جام غضبهم على كل من يمس الاحتلال ولو بريشة .. وفي كل مرة كانت الحجة .. السيادة ونقل السلطة .. وصار الموضوع كما يقول المثل العراقي فركاس ماينجاس .. ثم كلما دنى موعد تسليم السلطة المفترضة تتبين الحقائق وتتضح .. بوش وبريمر ورامسفيلد ورئيس الاركان مايرز قالوا ان الاشراف على قوات الامن من جيش وشرطة وقوات مسلحة سيبقى بيد الاحتلال .. ثم اعلن باول بأن السيادة ستكون ناقصة .. آمنا بالله .. ليعطينا جرعة أخرى بعد يومين .. ان الاشراف على العقود المتعلقة بإعادة إعمار العراق سيبقى بيد ادارة الاحتلال بعد ان تسلم السيادة وتصبح سفارة .. ثم خذوا هذه الجرعة الجديدة التي اوردتها النيويورك تايمز اليوم .. لن يكون للحكومة الجديدة المستقلة ذات السيادة الحق في اصدار وسن القوانين .. ولن تمتلك حق الغاء اي قانون اصدرته قوات الاحتلال .. والأدهى من ذلك ان الحكومة الجديدة لن تستطيع ان تقرر السياسة الخارجية للعراق .. لأنها مثلا اذا ارادت اقامة علاقة وثيقة مع سوريا وايران مثلا .. سيستخدم السفير الامريكي في بغداد ماسماه مارك غروسمان مساعد وزير الخارجية للشؤون السياسية .. بحق الاقناع الذي يمارسه اي سفير امريكي في الخارج لثنيهم عن ذلك .. ماذا بقي من حكومة بائعي العراق وبثمن بخس .. كرسي في مجلس مشلول .. اليس على اولئك الذين دخلوا المجلس الموقر بحجة استخلاص ما يمكن استخلاصه من حقوق العراق .. وعدم ترك الفرصة لانصار امريكا كي يستأثروا بالقرار .. أليس على اولئك ان يترفعوا عن وضع اسمائهم في صفقة بيع العراق بدون ثمن حتى .. ام انهم يخشون ان تذهب الى السنة والعياذ بالله .. فيفوت الشيعة هذا الشرف العظيم !! ..
بالمناسبة الاخضر الابراهيمي الذي يواصل زيارته للعراق بعيدا عن الاضواء يبحث الآن في بغداد على وضع العراق رسميا تحت الانتداب حتى عام 1920 ..
وبالمناسبة ايضا اين تهديدات من هددوا بأنهم سيعتبرون عملية نقل السلطة غير شرعية وباطلة ..

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/04/23/po...23DIPL.html?th

[نصير المهدي]

White House Says Iraq Sovereignty Could Be Limited
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN

Published: April 23, 2004


ASHINGTON, April 22 — The Bush administration's plans for a new caretaker government in Iraq would place severe limits on its sovereignty, including only partial command over its armed forces and no authority to enact new laws, administration officials said Thursday.

These restrictions to the plan negotiated with Lakhdar Brahimi, the special United Nations envoy, were presented in detail for the first time by top administration officials at Congressional hearings this week, culminating in long and intense questioning on Thursday at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's hearing on the goal of returning Iraq to self-rule on June 30.

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Only 10 weeks from the scheduled transfer of sovereignty, the administration is still not sure exactly who will govern in Baghdad, or precisely how they will be selected. A week ago, President Bush agreed to a recommendation by Mr. Brahimi to dismantle the existing Iraqi Governing Council, which was handpicked by the United States, and to replace it with a caretaker government whose makeup is to be decided next month.

That government would stay in power until elections could be held, beginning next year.

The administration's plans seem likely to face objections on several fronts. Several European and United Nations diplomats have said in interviews that they do not think the United Nations will approve a Security Council resolution sought by Washington that handcuffs the new Iraq government in its authority over its own armed forces, let alone foreign forces on its soil.

These diplomats, and some American officials, said that if the American military command ordered a siege of an Iraqi city, for example, and there was no language calling for an Iraqi government to participate in the decision, the government might not be able to survive protests that could follow.

The diplomats added that it might be unrealistic to expect the new Iraqi government not to demand the right to change Iraqi laws put in place by the American occupation under L. Paul Bremer III, including provisions limiting the influence of Islamic religious law.

Democratic and Republican senators appeared frustrated on Thursday that so few details were known at this late stage in the transition process, and several senators focused on the question of who would be in charge of Iraq's security.

Asked whether the new Iraqi government would have a chance to approve military operations led by American commanders, who would be in charge of both foreign and Iraqi forces, a senior official said Americans would have the final say.

"The arrangement would be, I think as we are doing today, that we would do our very best to consult with that interim government and take their views into account," said Marc Grossman, under secretary of state for political affairs. But he added that American commanders will "have the right, and the power, and the obligation" to decide.

That formulation is especially sensitive at a time when American and Iraqi forces are poised to fight for control of Falluja.

In another sphere, Mr. Grossman said there would be curbs on the powers of the National Conference of Iraqis that Mr. Brahimi envisions as a consultative body. The conference, he said, is not expected to pass new laws or revise the laws adopted under the American occupation.

"We don't believe that the period between the 1st of July and the end of December should be a time for making new laws," Mr. Grossman said.

As envisioned by Mr. Brahimi, the caretaker government would consist of a president, a prime minister, two vice presidents or deputy prime ministers and a cabinet of ministers in each agency. A national conference of perhaps 1,000 Iraqis would advise it, possibly by establishing a smaller body of about 100 Iraqis.

His plan would supplant an earlier American proposal that would have chosen an Iraqi assembly through caucuses.

Since last November, when the June 30 transfer of sovereignty was approved by President Bush and decreed by Mr. Bremer in Iraq, the United States has insisted that Iraq would have a full transfer of sovereignty on that date.

Mr. Grossman, however, referred in testimony on Wednesday to what he said would be "limited sovereignty," a phrase he did not repeat on Thursday, apparently because it raised eyebrows among those not expecting the administration to acknowledge that the sovereignty would be less than full-fledged.

The problem of limiting Iraq's sovereignty is more than one of terminology, several administration officials said in interviews this
week.





The proposed curbs on Iraqi sovereignty are paving the way for what officials and diplomats say is shaping up as another potential battle with American allies as the United Nations is asked to confer legitimacy on the new government.

"Clearly you can't have a sovereign government speaking for Iraq in international forums, and yet leave open this possibility that we'll do something they won't particularly like or disagree with," said an administration official. "There's got to be something to be set up to deal with that possibility."

Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware, the ranking Democrat on the foreign relations panel, and Senator Jon Corzine, a New Jersey Democrat, pressed Mr. Grossman on that point.

European and United Nations diplomats said that because the main task of the caretaker government would be to try to secure the support of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Iraqi Shiite leader whose supporters are unhappy with some of the laws enacted by the Iraqi Governing Council, there may have to be a change in these laws.

Under the basic legal framework pressed by Mr. Bremer, Islam is only one of many foundations of the law. Ayatollah Sistani's supporters want Islam to govern such matters as family law, divorce and women's rights. Mr. Bremer had at one time threatened to veto any such changes, but even some administration officials acknowledge that the idea of telling the new Iraqi government it cannot enact new laws is unrealistic.

A European official familiar with Mr. Brahimi's thinking said the envoy wants the caretaker government and its consultative body "to find a consensus on the fundamental law to make sure Sistani is invested."

"Everybody wants to have Sistani on board," said this diplomat. "For that you'll have to pay a price."

The skeptical tone of the foreign relations hearing was set by the committee's chairman, Senator Richard G. Lugar of Indiana, who said that without clearer answers, "we risk the loss of support of the American people, the loss of potential contributions from our allies and the disillusionment of Iraqis."

But Mr. Grossman said Mr. Brahimi's plans were still so vague that they have not yet been put in writing to be incorporated into Iraqi regulations.

Mr. Grossman was also asked what would happen if the new government wanted to adopt a foreign policy opposed by the United States, such as forging close relations with two neighbors, Iran and Syria.

The United States, he replied, would have to use the kind of persuasion used by any American ambassador in any country.

[باب المعظم]

المسألة محسومة عزيزي نصير المهدي
هناك ما هو أفضع وأروع في دهاليز البنتاغون والبيت الابيض فيما يخص مستقبل العراق !!
فهم للآن لم يتحدثوا عن القواعد الامريكية التي سيتم أنشائها من شمال العراق حتى جنوبه
ولم يتحدثوا عن أتفاقيات الدفاع المشترك والاتفاقيات الامنية المشتركة وسن قانون مكافحة الارهاب
الخ الخ

أريد أسألك سؤال أخي نصير المهدي ... بما أن أسمك " نصير المهدي "
الا تعتقد بأن أحتلال الامريكان للعراق ولسنين طويلة ، له علاقة بالامام المهدي (عج ) ؟
مجرد تسائل

[نصير المهدي]

هي حرب الدين والسياسة والاقتصاد والثقافة .. وليست المصالح والمنافع وحدها وراء هذه الهجمة الاستعمارية الجديدة .. وانما ايضا عقيدة من يتحكمون بالادراة الامريكية اليوم من اليمين الجديد او المسيحية الصهيونية .. أخطر مافي الأمر ان هذه الهجمة توظف الاسلاميين جنودا لها ..

[نصير المهدي]

بعد قرارها بإعادة البعثيين الى السلطة .. امريكا تقرر استبعاد معظم المتعاونين الذين مررت بهم اول سنة من احتلالها للعراق .. وعلى رأس القائمة احمد الجلبي .. وليشرب من بحر النجف اولئك الذين راهنوا على الاحتلال في اعطاء الشيعة حقوقهم في العراق ..




U.S., U.N. Seek New Leaders For Iraq
Chalabi and Others Coalition Relied on May Be Left Out
By Robin Wright and Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writers
Saturday, April 24, 2004; Page A01


The United States and the top U.N. envoy to Iraq have decided to exclude the majority of the Iraqi politicians the U.S.-led coalition has relied on over the past year when they select an Iraqi government to assume power on June 30, U.S. and U.N. officials said yesterday.




The latest shift in policy comes as the U.S.-led coalition has to resolve some contentious and long-standing issues before the transfer takes place. Earlier this week, the coalition moved to allow former Baath Party members and military officers to return to government jobs.

At the top of the list of those likely to be jettisoned is Ahmed Chalabi, a Shiite politician who for years was a favorite of the Pentagon and the office of Vice President Cheney, and who was once expected to assume a powerful role after the ouster of Saddam Hussein, U.S. officials acknowledged.

Chalabi has increasingly alienated the Bush administration, including President Bush, in recent months, U.S. officials said. He generated anger in Washington yesterday when he said a new U.S. plan to allow some former officials of Hussein's ruling Baath Party and military to return to office is the equivalent of returning Nazis to power in Germany after World War II.

Chalabi has headed the committee in charge of removing former Baathist officials. In a nationwide address yesterday designed to promote national reconciliation, U.S. administrator L. Paul Bremer said complaints that the program is "unevenly and unjustly" administered are "legitimate" and that the overall program has been "poorly implemented."

That criticism may curtail Chalabi's influence over the removal of former officials -- and his power over the employment and income prospects of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.

Washington is also seriously considering cutting off the $340,000 monthly stipend to Chalabi's party, the Iraqi National Congress, according to a senior administration official familiar with the discussions. This would be a major change, because the INC has received millions of dollars in U.S. aid over the past decade as the primary vehicle for supporting the Iraqi opposition.

Chalabi is part of a wider problem, however. Polls indicate that most of the 25 members of the Iraqi Governing Council have little public support nine months after they were appointed. The lack of popular backing is the main reason the United States and United Nations are seeking a new body to govern Iraq before national elections are held in January 2005, U.S. and U.N. officials said.

U.N. envoy Lakhdar Brahimi, who is in charge of picking the new government in consultation with the U.S.-led coalition, made clear yesterday that the council should disband. "They have said twice, not once, in official documents they signed, that our term will end on the 30th of June," he said in an interview on ABC's "This Week With George Stephanopoulos" to be aired Sunday.

"All opinion polls, and a lot are taken in Iraq, say that people want something different" than expansion of the council because they fear council members "will clone themselves. And why do you want to have that?" Brahimi asked.

U.S. and U.N. officials generally fear that the continued involvement of too many council members will contaminate efforts to create a credible Iraqi government, they said.

Under a new U.N. proposal, Brahimi is expected to return to Baghdad around May 1 to finish discussions and then select Iraqis for 29 positions -- a prime minister to head the government, a ceremonial president and two vice presidents, plus 25 cabinet officers, U.S. officials said.

In his most specific language to date, Brahimi told ABC that these positions should be filled by "mainly technocrats" who are "widely representative" of Iraq's diverse ethnic and religious communities.

Rather than excluding Chalabi or any other Governing Council member by name from the new government, he said that "people who have political parties and are leaders of their parties should get ready to win the election . . . and stay out of the interim government."

Some council members might be retained, but more likely in cabinet posts rather than in the top four jobs, U.S. officials said. Others could be tapped to participate in a national consultative assembly, which Brahimi has proposed should advise the provisional government.

All council members will then be free to test their political appeal in the January elections to see how they would fare without U.S. support, U.S. officials added.

With only nine weeks left until the handover, the United Nations, the coalition and Iraqis are scrambling to come up with lists of candidates for the top jobs, which Brahimi will compare when he returns to Iraq, U.S. officials said.

But the political battles are not yet over, U.S. and U.N. officials warned. Chalabi, who went into exile in 1958, is still pressing for the council to be retained in some form; he also has been a leading critic of Brahimi, a Sunni Muslim and former Algerian foreign minister, and his proposals for Iraq.

Acknowledging that Chalabi has challenged him as biased against the Shiites, Brahimi said any such suggestion is "silly." Without referring to Chalabi, he said those who are "sniping" against him on the religious issue "have agendas that have nothing to do with the fact that I am a Sunni."

But he said opponents of his new plan for Iraq's transition "may very well succeed in derailing what we are trying to do. But I think if they succeed, it will not be very good for Iraq or for the international community."



http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...2004Apr23.html