علاوي الانتهازي المتسلق .....يغازل أصوات المقترعين ((السنة)) !!!!

[ديك الجن]

http://www.alarabiya.net/Articles/2005/11/27/18965.htm

نقلاً عن فضائية العربية: الاحد 27 نوفمبر 2005م، 25 شوال 1426 هـ




علاوي: انتهاكات حقوق الانسان في العراق اسوأ من زمن صدام



علاوي وجهة اتهامات مباشرة لوزارة الداخلية

لندن-اف ب

اكد رئيس الوزراء العراقي السابق اياد علاوي في مقابلة نشرتها الاحد 27-11-2005 اسبوعية "ذي اوبزرفر" البريطانية, ان انتهاكات حقوق الانسان في العراق لا تزال على المستوى نفسه لا بل اسوأ مما كانت عليه خلال وجود الرئيس العراقي السابق صدام حسين في السلطة.

ووجه علاوي الذي كان اول رئيس حكومة عراقي بعد صدام واستمر في مهامه حتى ابريل/نيسان الماضي, اتهامات مباشرة الى وزارة الداخلية العراقية, مؤكدا ان "عددا كبيرا من العراقيين يتعرضون للتعذيب او يقتلون خلال عمليات الاستجواب".

واضاف "تحصل الامور نفسها التي كانت تحصل في عهد صدام حسين وربما اسوأ", مضيفا "انه تشبيه مناسب. الناس يتذكرون مرحلة صدام. هذا هو السبب الذي حاربنا صدام حسين من اجله واليوم نرى الامور تتكرر".

ويأتي كلام علاوي بعد اسبوعين من مداهمة نفذتها القوات الاميركية لمركز اعتقال سري في العراق عثرت فيه على حوالى 170 سجينا يفتقرون الى الماء والطعام والعناية الطبية.

واظهرت صور وزعها رجال دين سنة سجناء يحملون آثار حروق وضرب. وقال علاوي "لا الوم وزير الداخلية نفسه, بل الرجال الذين يقفون وراء المراكز السرية ووراء بعض عمليات القتل التي حصلت".

واضاف رئيس الوزراء العراقي السابق "نسمع كلاما عن شرطة سرية وعن ملاجىء سرية يتم فيها استجواب اشخاص. يتعرض عدد كبير من العراقيين للتعذيب والقتل خلال هذه الاستجوابات. نرى حتى محاكم شرعية تستند الى الشريعة الاسلامية تحاكم الناس وتعدمهم".

وراى علاوي ان عدم التحرك الفوري لوضع حد لهذا الوضع, سيجعل "الشر ينتشر في كل الوزارات وكل هيكليات" حكومة بغداد. وقال ان "العراق هو النقطة المركزية في المنطقة. اذا لم تجر الامور بشكل جيد, فلن تكون اوروبا ولا الولايات المتحدة في امان".

[العقيلي]

الرجل تحول إلى خروف سمين متسامح بعد أن كان ذئباً يشهد تاريخه بذلك غريب أليس كذلك؟ رغم أنه يوصف بأنه حامل لواء الشمولية العربية في العراق بعد صدام!

كنت في العراق في الفترة التي ظهر فيها هذا التقرير إلى النور، وكانت الإشاعات تملأ الأزقة في كل مكان عن عملية قام بها اياد علاوي شخصياً، تأكيداً على قوته في مواجهة الإرهابيين خاصة بعد أن أصبح أول رئيس وزراء عراقي بعد تحويل ما سمي بالسيادة من مجلس الحكم وبريمر إلى العراقيين.

الإشاعات التي كانت تقترب من الحقيقة تحدثت عن أن علاوي حقق شخصياً مع عدد من المعتقلين في أحد معتقلات بغداد وقام بيده بإعدام عدد منهم. وهي أخبار كان الغرض منها إشاعة جو من التقبل لرجل العراق الجديد البعثي المعتق علاوي على أنه رجل قوي يقتل بيديه.

إكتشفت لاحقاً أن الحكاية لها مصداقية إذ أن صحفاً غربية نشرت هذه الأخبار نقلاً عن شهود عيان مفادها أن علاوي قام بإعدام 6 معتقلين من المشتبه فيهم في معتقل العامرية بعد أن تم شد وثاقهم وأعينهم. ويشير الصحفي الذي اتصل ببعض المسؤولين الأميركان لم ينف الأميركان هذه التهمة. كما أن وزير داخليته فلاح نقيب قد هننأ علاوي على هذه الفعلة.

إقرأ تقرير باول مكاوخ امن بغداد بتاريخ 17/7/2004 لصحيفة سيدني مورنينج هيرالد.
النسخة الموجودة على موقع الإنترنت للصحيفة هو إختصار للتقرير المهم.

[align=left]Iyad Allawi, the new Prime Minister of Iraq, pulled a pistol and executed as many as six suspected insurgents at a Baghdad police station, just days before Washington handed control of the country to his interim government, according to two people who allege they witnessed the killings.

They say the prisoners - handcuffed and blindfolded - were lined up against a wall in a courtyard adjacent to the maximum-security cell block in which they were held at the Al-Amariyah security centre, in the city's south-western suburbs.

They say Dr Allawi told onlookers the victims had each killed as many as 50 Iraqis and they "deserved worse than death".

The Prime Minister's office has denied the entirety of the witness accounts in a written statement to the Herald, saying Dr Allawi had never visited the centre and he did not carry a gun.

But the informants told the Herald that Dr Allawi shot each young man in the head as about a dozen Iraqi policemen and four Americans from the Prime Minister's personal security team watched in stunned silence.

Iraq's Interior Minister, Falah al-Naqib, is said to have looked on and congratulated him when the job was done. Mr al-Naqib's office has issued a verbal denial.

The names of three of the alleged victims have been obtained by the Herald.

One of the witnesses claimed that before killing the prisoners Dr Allawi had told those around him that he wanted to send a clear message to the police on how to deal with insurgents.

"The prisoners were against the wall and we were standing in the courtyard when the Interior Minister said that he would like to kill them all on the spot. Allawi said that they deserved worse than death - but then he pulled the pistol from his belt and started shooting them."

Re-enacting the killings, one witness stood three to four metres in front of a wall and swung his outstretched arm in an even arc, left to right, jerking his wrist to mimic the recoil as each bullet was fired. Then he raised a hand to his brow, saying: "He was very close. Each was shot in the head."

The witnesses said seven prisoners had been brought out to the courtyard, but the last man in the line was only wounded - in the neck, said one witness; in the chest, said the other.

Given Dr Allawi's role as the leader of the US experiment in planting a model democracy in the Middle East, allegations of a return to the cold-blooded tactics of his predecessor are likely to stir a simmering debate on how well Washington knows its man in Baghdad, and precisely what he envisages for the new Iraq.

There is much debate and rumour in Baghdad about the Prime Minister's capacity for brutality, but this is the first time eyewitness accounts have been obtained.

A former CIA officer, Vincent Cannisatraro, recently told The New Yorker: "If you're asking me if Allawi has blood on his hands from his days in London, the answer is yes, he does. He was a paid Mukhabarat [intelligence] agent for the Iraqis, and he was involved in dirty stuff."

In Baghdad, varying accounts of the shootings are interpreted by observers as useful to a little-known politician who, after 33 years in exile, needs to prove his leadership credentials as a "strongman" in a war-ravaged country that has no experience of democracy.

Dr Allawi's statement dismissed the allegations as rumours instigated by enemies of his interim government.

But in a sharp reminder of the Iraqi hunger for security above all else, the witnesses did not perceive themselves as whistle-blowers. In interviews with the Herald they were enthusiastic about such killings, with one of them arguing: "These criminals were terrorists. They are the ones who plant the bombs."

Before the shootings, the 58-year-old Prime Minister is said to have told the policemen they must have courage in their work and that he would shield them from any repercussions if they killed insurgents in the course of their duty.

The witnesses said the Iraqi police observers were "shocked and surprised". But asked what message they might take from such an act, one said: "Any terrorists in Iraq should have the same destiny. This is the new Iraq.

"Allawi wanted to send a message to his policemen and soldiers not to be scared if they kill anyone - especially, they are not to worry about tribal revenge. He said there would be an order from him and the Interior Ministry that all would be fully protected.

"He told them: 'We must destroy anyone who wants to destroy Iraq and kill our people.'

"At first they were surprised. I was scared - but now the police seem to be very happy about this. There was no anger at all, because so many policemen have been killed by these criminals."

Dr Allawi had made a surprise visit to the complex, they said.

Neither witness could give a specific date for the killings. But their accounts narrowed the time frame to on or around the third weekend in June - about a week before the rushed handover of power in Iraq and more than three weeks after Dr Allawi was named as the interim Prime Minister.

They said that as many as five of the dead prisoners were Iraqis, two of whom came from Samarra, a volatile town to the north of the capital, where an attack by insurgents on the home of Mr Al-Naqib killed four of the Interior Minister's bodyguards on June 19.

The Herald has established the names of three of the prisoners alleged to have been killed. Two names connote ties to Syrian-based Arab tribes, suggesting they were foreign fighters: Ahmed Abdulah Ahsamey and Amer Lutfi Mohammed Ahmed al-Kutsia.

The third was Walid Mehdi Ahmed al-Samarrai. The last word of his name indicates that he was one of the two said to come from Samarra, which is in the Sunni Triangle.

The three names were provided to the Interior Ministry, where senior adviser Sabah Khadum undertook to provide a status report on each. He was asked if they were prisoners, were they alive or had they died in custody.

But the next day he cut short an interview by hanging up the phone, saying only: "I have no information - I don't want to comment on that specific matter."

All seven were described as young men. One of the witnesses spoke of the distinctive appearance of four as "Wahabbi", the colloquial Iraqi term for the foreign fundamentalist insurgency fighters and their Iraqi followers.

He said: "The Wahabbis had long beards, very short hair and they were wearing dishdashas [the caftan-like garment worn by Iraqi men]."

Raising the hem of his own dishdasha to reveal the cotton pantaloons usually worn beneath, he said: "The other three were just wearing these - they looked normal."

One witness justified the shootings as an unintended act of mercy: "They were happy to die because they had already been beaten by the police for two to eight hours a day to make them talk."

After the removal of the bodies, the officer in charge of the complex, General Raad Abdullah, is said to have called a meeting of the policemen and told them not to talk outside the station about what had happened. "He said it was a security issue," a witness said.

One of the Al-Amariyah witnesses said he watched as Iraqis among the Prime Minister's bodyguards piled the prisoners' bodies into the back of a Nissan utility and drove off. He did not know what became of them. But the other witness said the bodies were buried west of Baghdad, in open desert country near Abu Ghraib.

That would place their burial near the notorious prison, which was used by Saddam Hussein's security forces to torture and kill thousands of Iraqis. Subsequently it was revealed as the setting for the still-unfolding prisoner abuse scandal involving US troops in the aftermath of the fall of Baghdad.

The Herald has established that as many as 30 people, including the victims, may have been in the courtyard. One of the witnesses said there were five or six civilian-clad American security men in a convoy of five or six late model four-wheel-drive vehicles that was shepherding Dr Allawi's entourage on the day. The US military and Dr Allawi's office refused to respond to questions about the composition of his security team. It is understood that the core of his protection unit is drawn from the US Special Forces units.

The security establishment where the killings are said to have happened is on open ground on the border of the Al-Amariyah and Al-Kudra neighbourhoods in Baghdad.

About 90 policemen are stationed at the complex, which processes insurgents and more hardened offenders among those captured in the struggle against a wave of murder, robbery and kidnapping in post-invasion Iraq.

The Interior Ministry denied permission for the Herald to enter the heavily fortified police complex.

The two witnesses were independently and separately found by the Herald. Neither approached the newspaper. They were interviewed on different days in a private home in Baghdad, without being told the other had spoken. A condition of the co-operation of each man was that no personal information would be published.

Both interviews lasted more than 90 minutes and were conducted through an interpreter, with another journalist present for one of the meetings. The witnesses were not paid for the interviews.

Dr Allawi's office has dismissed the allegations as rumours instigated by enemies of his interim government.

A statement in the name of spokesman Taha Hussein read: "We face these sorts of allegations on a regular basis. Numerous groups are attempting to hinder what the interim Iraqi government is on the verge of achieving, and occasionally they spread outrageous accusations hoping they will be believed and thus harm the honourable reputation of those who sacrifice so much to protect this glorious country and its now free and respectable people.

"Dr Allawi is turning this country into a free and democratic nation run by the rule of law; so if your sources are as credible as they say they are, then they are more than welcome to file a complaint in a court of law against the Prime Minister."

In response to a question asking if Dr Allawi carried a gun, the statement said: "[He] does not carry a pistol. He is the Prime Minister of Iraq, not a combatant in need of any weaponry."

Sabah Khadum, a senior adviser to Interior Minister Mr Naqib, whose portfolio covers police matters, also dismissed the accounts. Rejecting them as "ludicrous", Mr Khadum said of Dr Allawi: "He is a doctor and I know him. He was my neighbour in London. He just doesn't have it in him. Baghdad is a city of rumours. This is not worth discussing."

Mr Khadum added: "Do you think a man who is Prime Minister is going to disqualify himself for life like this? This is not a government of gangsters."

Asked if Dr Allawi had visited the Al-Amariyah complex - one of the most important counter-insurgency centres in Baghdad - Mr Khadum said he could not reveal the Prime Minister's movements. But he added: "Dr Allawi has made many visits to police stations ... he is heading the offensive."

US officials in Iraq have not made an outright denial of the allegations. An emailed response to questions from the Herald to the US ambassador, John Negroponte, said: "If we attempted to refute each [rumour], we would have no time for other business. As far as this embassy's press office is concerned, this case is closed." [/align]




http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2004/...oneclick=true#

[العقيلي]

هذا هو التقرير المطول الذي نشر في الصحيفة والتقرير يذكر الذين قتلهم علاوي بيديه بالأسماء!

[align=left][align=left]Allawi shot prisoners in cold blood: witnesses
By Paul McGeough in Baghdad
July 17, 2004



Iyad Allawi, the new Prime Minister of Iraq, pulled a pistol and executed as many Sydney Morning Herald
July 17, 2004 Saturday
First Edition
SECTION: NEWS AND FEATURES; Pg. 1
HEADLINE: Iraqi leader shot inmates in cold blood, say witnesses • Americans present at executions;
EXCLUSIVE
BYLINE: Paul McGeough Chief Herald Correspondent in Baghdad

Iyad Allawi, the new Prime Minister of Iraq, pulled a pistol and executed as many as six suspected insurgents at a Baghdad police station, just days before Washington handed control of the country to his interim government, according to two people who allege they witnessed the killings.

They say the prisoners - handcuffed and blindfolded - were lined up against a wall in a courtyard adjacent to the maximum-security cell block in which they were held at the Al-Amariyah security centre, in the city's south-western suburbs.

They say Dr Allawi told onlookers the victims had each killed as many as 50 Iraqis and they "deserved worse than death".

The Prime Minister's office has denied the entirety of the witness accounts in a written statement to the Herald, saying Dr Allawi had never visited the centre and he did not carry a gun.

But the informants told the Herald that Dr Allawi shot each young man in the head as about a dozen Iraqi policemen and four Americans from the Prime Minister's personal security team watched in stunned silence.

Iraq's Interior Minister, Falah al-Naqib, is said to have looked on and congratulated him when the job was done. Mr al-Naqib's office has issued a verbal denial.

The names of three of the alleged victims have been obtained by the Herald.

One of the witnesses claimed that before killing the prisoners Dr Allawi had told those around him that he wanted to send a clear message to the police on how to deal with insurgents.

"The prisoners were against the wall and we were standing in the courtyard when the Interior Minister said that he would like to kill them all on the spot. Allawi said that they deserved worse than death - but then he pulled the pistol from his belt and started shooting them."

Re-enacting the killings, one witness stood three to four metres in front of a wall and swung his outstretched arm in an even arc, left to right, jerking his wrist to mimic the recoil as each bullet was fired. Then he raised a hand to his brow, saying: "He was very close. Each was shot in the head."

The witnesses said seven prisoners had been brought out to the courtyard, but the last man in the line was only wounded - in the neck, said one witness; in the chest, said the other.

Given Dr Allawi's role as the leader of the US experiment in planting a model democracy in the Middle East, allegations of a return to the cold-blooded tactics of his predecessor are likely to stir a simmering debate on how well Washington knows its man in Baghdad, and precisely what he envisages for the new Iraq.

There is much debate and rumour in Baghdad about the Prime Minister's capacity for brutality, but this is the first time eyewitness accounts have been obtained.

A former CIA officer, Vincent Cannisatraro, recently told The New Yorker: "If you're asking me if Allawi has blood on his hands from his days in London, the answer is yes, he does. He was a paid Mukhabarat [intelligence] agent for the Iraqis, and he was involved in dirty stuff."

In Baghdad, varying accounts of the shootings are interpreted by observers as useful to a little-known politician who, after 33 years in exile, needs to prove his leadership credentials as a "strongman" in a war-ravaged country that has no experience of democracy.

Dr Allawi's statement dismissed the allegations as rumours instigated by enemies of his interim government.

But in a sharp reminder of the Iraqi hunger for security above all else, the witnesses did not perceive themselves as whistle-blowers. In interviews with the Herald they were enthusiastic about such killings, with one of them arguing: "These criminals were terrorists. They are the ones who plant the bombs."

Before the shootings, the 58-year-old Prime Minister is said to have told the policemen they must have courage in their work and that he would shield them from any repercussions if they killed insurgents in the course of their duty.

The witnesses said the Iraqi police observers were "shocked and surprised". But asked what message they might take from the act, one said: "Any terrorists in Iraq should have the same destiny. This is the new Iraq.

"Allawi wanted to send a message to his policemen and soldiers not to be scared if they kill anyone - especially, they are not to worry about tribal revenge. He said there would be an order from him and the Interior Ministry that all would be fully protected.

"He told them: 'We must destroy anyone who wants to destroy Iraq and kill our people.'

"At first they were surprised. I was scared - but now the police seem to be very happy about this. There was no anger at all, because so many policemen have been killed by these criminals."

Dr Allawi had made a surprise visit to the complex, they said.

Neither witness could give a specific date for the killings. But their accounts narrowed the time frame to on or around the third weekend in June - about a week before the rushed handover of power in Iraq and more than three weeks after Dr Allawi was named as the interim Prime Minister.

They said that as many as five of the dead prisoners were Iraqis, two of whom came from Samarra, a volatile town to the north of the capital, where an attack by insurgents on the home of Mr Al-Naqib killed four of the Interior Minister's bodyguards on June 19.

The Herald has established the names of three of the prisoners alleged to have been killed. Two names connote ties to Syrian-based Arab tribes, suggesting they were foreign fighters: Ahmed Abdulah Ahsamey and Amer Lutfi Mohammed Ahmed al-Kutsia.

The third was Walid Mehdi Ahmed al-Samarrai. The last word of his name indicates that he was one of the two said to come from Samarra, which is in the Sunni Triangle.

The three names were provided to the Interior Ministry, where senior adviser Sabah Khadum undertook to provide a status report on each. He was asked if they were prisoners, were they alive or had they died in custody.

But the next day he cut short an interview by hanging up the phone, saying only: "I have no information - I don't want to comment on that specific matter."

All seven were described as young men. One of the witnesses spoke of the distinctive appearance of four as "Wahabbi", the colloquial Iraqi term for the foreign fundamentalist insurgency fighters and their Iraqi followers.

He said: "The Wahabbis had long beards, very short hair and they were wearing dishdashas [the caftan-like garment worn by Iraqi men]."

Raising the hem of his own dishdasha to reveal the cotton pantaloons usually worn beneath, he said: "The other three were just wearing these - they looked normal."

One witness justified the shootings as an unintended act of mercy: "They were happy to die because they had already been beaten by the police for two to eight hours a day to make them talk."

After the removal of the bodies, the officer in charge of the complex, General Raad Abdullah, is said to have called a meeting of the policemen and told them not to talk outside the station about what had happened. "He said it was a security issue," a witness said.

One of the Al-Amariyah witnesses said he watched as Iraqis among the Prime Minister's bodyguards piled the prisoners' bodies into the back of a Nissan utility and drove off. He did not know what became of them. But the other witness said the bodies were buried west of Baghdad, in open desert country near Abu Ghraib.

That would place their burial near the notorious prison, which was used by Saddam Hussein's security forces to torture and kill thousands of Iraqis. Subsequently it was revealed as the setting for the still-unfolding prisoner abuse scandal involving US troops in the aftermath of the fall of Baghdad.

The Herald has established that as many as 30 people, including the victims, may have been in the courtyard. One of the witnesses said there were five or six civilian-clad American security men in a convoy of five or six late model four-wheel-drive vehicles that was shepherding Dr Allawi's entourage on the day.The US military and Dr Allawi's office refused to respond to questions about the composition of his security team. It is understood that the core of his protection unit is drawn from the US Special Forces units.

The security establishment where the killings are said to have happened is on open ground on the border of the Al-Amariyah and Al-Kudra neighbourhoods in Baghdad.

About 90 policemen are stationed at the complex, which processes insurgents and more hardened offenders among those captured in the struggle against a wave of murder, robbery and kidnapping in post-invasion Iraq.

The Interior Ministry denied permission for the Herald to enter the heavily fortified police complex.

The two witnesses were independently and separately found by the Herald. Neither approached the newspaper. They were interviewed on different days in a private home in Baghdad, without being told the other had spoken. A condition of the co-operation of each man was that no personal information would be published.

Both interviews lasted more than 90 minutes and were conducted through an interpreter, with another journalist present for one of the meetings. The witnesses were not paid for the interviews.

Dr Allawi's office has dismissed the allegations as rumours instigated by enemies of his interim government.

A statement in the name of spokesman Taha Hussein read: "We face these sorts of allegations on a regular basis. Numerous groups are attempting to hinder what the interim Iraqi government is on the verge of achieving, and occasionally they spread outrageous accusations hoping they will be believed and thus harm the honourable reputation of those who sacrifice so much to protect this glorious country and its now free and respectable people.

"Dr Allawi is turning this country into a free and democratic nation run by the rule of law; so if your sources are as credible as they say they are, then they are more than welcome to file a complaint in a court of law against the Prime Minister."

In response to a question asking if Dr Allawi carried a gun, the statement said: "[He] does not carry a pistol. He is the Prime Minister of Iraq, not a combatant in need of any weaponry."

Sabah Khadum, a senior adviser to Interior Minister Mr Naqib, whose portfolio covers police matters, also dismissed the accounts. Rejecting them as "ludicrous", Mr Khadum said of Dr Allawi: "He is a doctor and I know him. He was my neighbour in London. He just doesn't have it in him. Baghdad is a city of rumours. This is not worth discussing."

Mr Khadum added: "Do you think a man who is Prime Minister is going to disqualify himself for life like this? This is not a government of gangsters."

Asked if Dr Allawi had visited the Al-Amariyah complex - one of the most important counter-insurgency centres in Baghdad - Mr Khadum said he could not reveal the Prime Minister's movements. But he added: "Dr Allawi has made many visits to police stations ... he is heading the offensive."

US officials in Iraq have not made an outright denial of the allegations. An emailed response to questions from the Herald to the US ambassador, John Negroponte, said: "If we attempted to refute each [rumour], we would have no time for other business. As far as this embassy's press office is concerned, this case is closed."

Sydney Morning Herald
July 17, 2004 Saturday
First Edition
SECTION: NEWS AND FEATURES; News Review; Pg. 29
HEADLINE: Hard man for a tough country
BYLINE: Paul McGeough

His enemies say he was an assassin for Saddam Hussein. Now Iyad Allawi is accused of personally executing prisoners. Paul McGeough examines the dark background of Iraq's new Prime Minister.

Hold the doctor up to the light and there are flaws in the glass. We are not quite sure how Iyad Allawi became Iraq's interim Prime Minister and no one knows just how and why he fell out with Saddam Hussein. It is unclear whether his preoccupation with security outweighs a professed love for democracy or what that might mean for Iraq's 25 million people.

His past is murky. His present is ambiguous. Allawi's every response to the Iraq mess is that of a hard man: he threatens martial law; he warns he might shut down sections of the media; he suggests he might delay elections. His Justice Minister is bringing back the death penalty; his Defence Minister warns he'll chop off insurgents' hands and heads.

He was put in - unelected - with a tight constitutional brief to ready Iraq for polls in January. But in his first days in control, Allawi seems to have crafted a loophole to run more freely with inordinate emergency powers that would allow him to take direct command of Iraqi security forces, with the right to impose curfews, seize assets, tap and cut telephones, and crack down on groups in declared "emergency zones".

And already he is wriggling out from under the limited US security blueprint for Iraq, saying that what the country needs is some of the old Saddam institutions of state and what he calls the "clean" from among the old cadres. But he is yet to make clear how much of the old Iraq he wants to salvage, as he presses ahead with plans for a security regime that reminds some Iraqis of where they have been, rather than of the promised land.

He tells people he's a "tough guy". And friends and enemies alike resort to the same page of the thesaurus when they talk about him: "willing to be ruthless," says one; "potential for brutality," says another; "muscular law enforcement comes naturally to him," concludes a third Iraqi voice.

There is a strong view among some war-wearied Iraqis that this is just what the country needs.

But piled on a personal history that has too often lurched to the dark side, today's graphic witness accounts of summary executions by Allawi at a Baghdad police station challenge many assumptions about the man, and about where and how he might try to lead his beleaguered nation.

Surprisingly, few Iraqis professed to be shocked by the allegations. But why would Allawi do it? The answer is not so difficult in Iraq. If he could kill for Saddam when the former president was on the verge of power, wouldn't it come more easily if it would help Allawi cement his own grip on the levers?

In this part of the world, police forces are bred as instruments of fear. But right now, Iraqi police are afraid to take to the streets, not least because of tribal retribution if they kill in the line of duty. Eighteen men from the Al-Amariyah security complex have been killed in a year - and at least three had written warnings that they would be targeted by tribesmen seeking vengeance for the loss of one of their own in a clash with police.

The rationale offered by some is that if the Prime Minister spilt blood before their eyes, then the police would know they could kill with impunity. He would become a man to be feared and all too quickly the force would impose that fear on the community.

Then there are the Baghdad whispers, invisible but frightening weapons of mass intimidation, which Saddam himself used to powerful effect.

Spreading like wildfire, tales of his conduct and that of his murderous agencies set the rules by which people might survive. They were whispered from one person to the next, drawing lines within which most people might get on with their meagre lives - with a level of immediate personal security they can only dream of these days.

Once the Allawi whispers started a few weeks ago, there were signs that the image of the new strongman was already being cultivated. Allawi may have worked out that, to succeed, he too must go down the Saddam road, which, in any event, seems to be his natural inclination.

Saddam acted tough and he kept the lights on; Allawi has been talking tough, and now he is trying to act tough so that the same troubled Iraqi minds might fall in behind him.

A casual driver retained briefly by the Herald said he had picked up a version of the alleged police station killings in the swirl of fixers, translators and drivers in the lobby of the Palestine Hotel.

He was more impressed than he was shocked.

Elsewhere, a doctor claimed the killings were being discussed "all over town". He speculated: "Maybe Allawi wants to be seen like Saddam, because when Iraqis hear a rumour like this they presume it is based on fact."

It was after the first such exchange that the Herald began to investigate - a few days before the 67-year-old Saddam made his first court appearance on a catalogue of appalling crimes against humanity.

It took courage for the witnesses to speak. To be too specific about these individuals, or the personal channels used to find them, might help identify them. But there was no help from military or political organisations, or from individuals likely to be bent on spinning a damaging report.

They were reluctant to speak until they had guarantees of anonymity; one of them even insisted that the Herald not reveal the chance element that intervened as he was located deep in suburban Baghdad. These men are afraid for their lives.

Their detailed accounts are compelling. In the shark-pool politics of post-invasion Iraq, there is always the possibility that parties or people have set out to destroy Allawi - but the failure by Iraqi and US officialdom to mount convincing denials makes the witness accounts impossible to ignore.

It took Allawi's office almost a week to issue a denial. At the same time his staff and US officials retreated into the argument that these accounts were just more of the Baghdad rumours - not substantive allegations that warranted any examination.

Neither witness could be precise on the date of the killings. But in this part of the world, events are often recollected in such hazy fashion unless they coincide with a significant religious feast or some historic anniversary.

If confirmed, the allegations have the potential to undermine the latest crucial chapter of the Americans' political project in Iraq.

When the highest-ranking US officials in Iraq were appraised of the witness accounts 10 days ago, there was no outright denial.

Allawi got to the top from the shadows of the US-appointed Iraqi Governing Council, the first and flailing Washington effort to put an Iraqi face on its occupation.

After being away for 33 years, he kept a low profile for the first year after the fall of Saddam, seeking out the chairmanship of the council's powerful security committee, but reportedly shying away from general meetings of the council.

Despite single-digit popularity among Iraqis, he kept aloof from the Iraqi press. Instead, he is said to have spent much time in Jordan and Britain - and in the US, where he spent a reported $US300,000($415,000) on New York and Washington lobbyists to enhance his image higher up the geopolitical food chain.

When the United Nations sent Lakhdar Brahimi to Baghdad in the northern spring to craft a new interim government, he called for neutral "technocrats and professionals" to guide Iraq to its planned January elections.

But Allawi is a master of backroom political manoeuvring. He had to climb over the ferocious ambition of his arch rival, Ahmad Chalabi, and the reservations of Brahimi, who vented his frustrations at Allawi's emergence as the winner with his sharp denunciation of the departing US administrator, Paul Bremer, as the "dictator of Baghdad".

The new Prime Minister was in league with Saddam in the late '60s and there is an assumption that he broke with the tyrant when he went to London in 1971. But various reports suggest that he remained on the Baghdad payroll at least until 1975. And the idea that the break was about principle is tempered by suggestions of a row over a sizeable wad of cash.

A senior Jordanian official who met the new Prime Minister "dozens of times" before the US invasion was always worried about an Allawi ascendancy. He explained to the Herald this week: "He made it clear that he was going back to Iraq with vengeance; it was never going to be about a beauty of democracy, so much as a settling of scores.

"Think about it: it is the resistance that will be his downfall, so he thinks if he kills them, he will prevail."

Early this year, a vivid article by one of the Prime Minister's former medical school classmates, Dr Haifa al-Azawi, published in an Arabic newspaper in London, was hardly noticed, despite what it revealed of the Prime Minister's character and qualifications.

Describing Allawi as a "big, husky man", she wrote: "[He] carried a gun on his belt and frequently brandished it, terrorising the medical students." And of his medical degree, she wrote: "[It] was conferred upon him by the Baath party."

The first unvarnished look at Allawi's past since he was named leader of post-Saddam Iraq was by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker, in which he quoted an unnamed US intelligence officer on the ties between Allawi and Saddam in the 1960s: "Allawi helped Saddam get to power."

Reuel Marc Gerecht, a former CIA case officer who served in the Middle East, elaborated further: "He was a very effective operator and a true believer. Two facts stand out about Allawi. One, he likes to think of himself as a man of ideas; and, two, his strongest virtue is that he's a thug."

Hersh also quoted this assessment of Allawi by another former CIA officer, Vincent Cannistraro. "If you're asking me if Allawi has blood on his hands from his days in London, the answer is yes, he does. He was a paid Mukhabarat [intelligence] agent for the Iraqis, and he was involved in dirty stuff."

An unnamed Middle Eastern diplomat spelt it out a bit more for Hersh, claiming that Allawi was involved with a Mukhabarat "hit team" that ran to ground and killed Baath party dissenters throughout Europe.

In 1978, the brutal world in which Allawi moved came home to him, literally, when he was attacked in his London bed in the middle of the night by a man brandishing an axe. This was the third attempt on his life and he spent a year in hospital, recovering from horrific injuries presumed to have been inflicted at the behest of Saddam.

It was after this attack that Allawi began his long and close associations first with the British intelligence agency MI6 and then with the CIA, which still helps fund his Iraqi National Accord (INA) organisation.

In the early 1990s, as Washington and London began to take Iraqi opposition groups more seriously after Saddam's invasion of Kuwait, Allawi set up the INA. One of his early organisational associates was Salih Omar Ali al-Tikriti, who reportedly had supervised public hangings in Baghdad for Saddam.

Curiously, Allawi chose not to respond when The New Yorker gave him the opportunity early in June. Allawi, of course, has not led a sheltered existence, and he is familiar with the role of a free press. He is a Western-educated man who has lived in Britain for more than 30 years, in the hurly-burly of a vibrant media and legal profession. He retains lawyers and lobbyists on both sides of the Atlantic and he and his advisers would have been well aware a damaging story was in the making.

Since The New Yorker published its profile, there has been a raft of more troubling claims and assessments of the past and present conduct of the man anointed by Washington to nurture a civilised, Western-style democracy in Iraq.

A group of former CIA agents told The New York Times that in the mid-1990s the agency had backed an Allawi campaign of car bombs and other explosive devices intended to destabilise Iraq; and a US-backed coup attempt in 1996 ended in failure after it was infiltrated by Saddam - apparently after some of the plotters had blabbed to The Washington Post.

Recalling Allawi's bomb-throwing in Saddam's Iraq, Kenneth Pollack, a former Iran-Iraq military analyst for the CIA in the early 1990s, remarked of the job ahead of Allawi: "You send a thief to catch a thief."

Kenneth Katzman, an Iraq watcher and terrorism specialist at the Congressional Research Service in Washington, detected in Allawi what he called a familiar Middle East road map to becoming a strongman.

Juan Cole, a Middle East historian at the University of Michigan, wrote of a stinging assessment of the Prime Minister's leanings: "He is infatuated with reviving the Baath secret police, bringing back Saddam's domestic spies. Unlike the regular [Iraqi] army, which had dirty and clean elements, all of the secret police are dirty. If they are restored, civil liberties are a dead letter."

It is hardly surprising that they are pacing in Washington. "He's our kind of bully," was one of the first backroom endorsements of the 58-year-old neurologist.

But after only a week of sovereignty, there were also signs of a wind shift on the Potomac: "The last thing we want is for the world to think we're foisting a new strongman on Iraq," a senior US official told reporters on background in Washington last week.

But having punted on Allawi, Washington is stuck. The Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, sidestepped issues of principle or a need to verify when quizzed about the Prime Minister's propensity for abuse in his Baathist past. He argued to a Herald reporter, Marian Wilkinson, that Iraqis wouldn't care.

Without pause, he endorsed the new leader: "This is a fellow I know pretty well. We'll see - I don't think [the allegations will] sell particularly with Iraqis."

Falling back on Allawi's more recent opposition to Saddam's regime and the attempt on his life in 1978, Armitage remarked: "That's the story that Iraqis pay attention to -and if polls that we have all seen are any indication, he and his colleagues represent a government that actually can get things done."

Allawi must secure Iraq. That means breaking the insurgency and the outline of his strategy is there - drive a wedge between the nationalist Iraqis, who US military analysts in Baghdad now concede are the vast majority among as many as 20,000 insurgents, and the small force of foreigners and terrorists who have come to Iraq to take a shot at the Americans.

It's a big gamble.

Allawi is a secular Shiite, but he is courting the largely Sunni Baathists who were disenfranchised by the US-imposed de-Baathification program last year, and at the same time offering dignity to former members of Saddam's huge military disbanded by the US.

He hopes to persuade the Sunnis and the Baathists to lay down their arms because there is something for them in the new Iraq. To this end he is offering an amnesty for those who "don't have blood on their hands". If it works, he might be able to isolate some of the foreigners who, without support from the Iraqi community, would find it tough to soldier on.

He pushes his pitch with terse criticism of the US occupation.

Any Washington wobbles over the alleged Al-Amariyah executions would be a useful brake on Iraqi claims that Allawi is a US stooge. In Iraq, such killings could be defended on the grounds that the victims were bomb-throwers of no account, and Allawi could well argue that he was living by the Colin Powell dictum that "Iraqis will have to kill Iraqis".

But what troubles some observers is that Allawi remains opaque on the terms of a deal with the Baathists. It also remains to be seen if he can deal with a key Iraqi power bloc that the Americans have not properly understood: the tribes.

His INA was home in exile for many Sunni military and former Baathist officials. But in his public criticism of the party and the regime, he is disturbingly muted compared with the voice others have found to condemn Iraq's past 30 years. He has argued that the problem was the individuals more than the institutions.

Allawi reportedly urged the US not to alienate Sunnis with a post-invasion purge, insisting that as few as 90 people needed to be removed. He seems to have been proved right. There is a consensus among observers that de-Baathification and disbanding the military were huge mistakes by the US occupation.

But how much of the old regime he seeks to reinstate and how the Shiite majority will respond is a balancing act that has yet to be performed. Some observers worry that showing through all that Allawi says and does is a belief that perhaps Iraq is not ready for a Western-style democracy.

What comes through in his attitude to the past is a sense of the same ambiguity that allowed so much of the Iraqi elite - the moneyed, the intelligentsia and the officer class - to take their reward under Saddam while seeing little to complain about in the system that Saddam built.

Ghanim Jawad, a human rights campaigner at the Al-Khoei Foundation, a Shiite charitable organisation in London, was not impressed when he looked down the road to Allawi's Baghdad: "I think [Allawi] will succeed in creating not a fully democratic state, but something on the model of Jordan or Egypt."

But if he could get that far on the back of the military, police and internal intelligence complex he wants to build, to what use might he put them once he had a semblance of security?

It sounds like Saddam-Lite in the making; and in it all there's an odour of the Arab authoritarianism that the Bush men say they came to eradicate.[/align][/align]

http://blog.zmag.org/rocinante/archives/000876.html

[العقيلي]

هذا الشيئ حصل زمن علاوي ولم نره يصرح للأوبزرفر عن تجاوزات وزارة داخليته بقيادة فلاح نقيب

في فبراير/2005، توفي ثلاثة من أعضاء منظمة بدر، وهي جماعة سياسية شيعية مسلحة، في حجز القوات العراقية؛ حيث ظهرت على أجسادهم علامات تشير إلى تعرضهم للضرب المبرح، وصعقهم بصدمات كهربائية. وأثارت هذه الحادثة موجة من الحنق والغضب في أوساط السكان الشيعة والقادة السياسيين، وأجبرت الحكومة العراقية على الاعتراف باستخدام التعذيب، وعلى أن تأمر بإجراء تحقيق في الظروف المحيطة بوفاة الرجال الثلاثة.

http://ara.amnesty.org/pages/irq-280405-feature-ara

[شمعة الائتلاف]

يجب ان نحاكم البعثيين وفي مقدمتهم علاوي الذي ارجع العراق دهورا طويلة

[العقيلي]

لندن (رويترز) - رد الرئيس العراقي جلال الطالباني يوم الاحد على رئيس الوزراء السابق إياد علاوي لقوله ان انتهاكات حقوق الانسان في العراق أصبحت سيئة الان مثلما كانت في ظل صدام حسين.

قال طالباني لمحطة تلفزيون بي بي سي العالمية بعد ظهور تعليقات علاوي في صحيفة الاوبزرفر "لا أستطيع ان اتخيل ان مثل هذا الكلام الفارغ جاء على لسان د. علاوي لانه يدرك جيدا اننا في العراق الان نتمتع بكل انواع الحقوق الديمقراطية".

واضاف الطالباني "اذا عدنا الى عراق صدام فاننا نرى ان صدام حوله الى معسكر اعتقال على الارض والى مقابر جماعية تحت الارض. فكيف نستطيع ان نقارن هذا الوضع الجديد بذلك الوضع الذي كان فريدا من نوعه.."

وكان علاوي اول رئيس وزراء للعراق في عصر ما بعد صدام لكنه فشل في الفوز بانتخابات يناير كانون الثاني التي جاءت برئيس الوزراء الحالي ابراهيم الجعفري الشيعي الاسلامي الى السلطة.

وينتقد علاوي الشيعي العلماني الذي له مقعد في البرلمان بعض الشيعة في السلطة ويعتبرهم اسلاميين مفرطين وثيقي الصلة بايران.

وقال لصحيفة الاوبزرفر التي صدرت يوم الاحد ان الكثير من العراقيين يتعرضون للقتل اثناء الاستجوابات.

وقال علاوي البعثي السابق الذي يخوض الانتخابات المقررة في 15 ديسمبر كانون الاول "الناس يفعلون نفس الشيء مثلما كان الحال في زمن صدام حسين وأسوأ.. هذه هي الأسباب الدقيقة التي جعلتنا نحارب صدام حسين والان نرى نفس الامور".

وتابع قوله "اننا نسمع عن الشرطة السرية والملاجيء السرية حيث يجري استجواب الناس" وذلك في اشارة على ما يبدو الى اكتشاف ملجأ في وزارة الداخلية كان يحتجز فيه 170 رجلا تعرضوا للضرب وللتجويع الى حد ما وفي بعض الحالات للتعذيب.

وأصر الطالباني ان الحكومة تعارض اي شكل من اشكال التعذيب او الاضرار بالمحتجزين.

وقال الطالباني "لكن حتى اثناء فترة حكمه قتل اكثر من ثلاثة اشخاص في وزارة الداخلية تحت التعذيب. ولا يعني هذا ان علاوي كان أسوأ من صدام حسين."
وقال علاوي ان وزارة الداخلية التي حاولت تهوين الفضيحة المتعلقة بالملجأ مصابة "بمرض."

وقال انه اذا لم يعالج "سيصبح معديا ويمتد الى كل وزارات وهياكل الحكومة العراقية."

واضاف ان "وزارة الداخلية في قلب هذا الامر.. لا أنحي باللائمة على الوزير نفسه وانما الافراد العاديين هم الذين يقفون وراء الملاجيء السرية وبعض من عمليات الاعدام التي تحدث".

(شارك في التغطية لوك بيكر)



http://ara.today.reuters.com/news/ne...ALLAWI-MM2.XML

[فياض]

بعثي ينادي ويدافع عن حقوق الإنسان هذا لأمر عجيب. البعثي يدافع عن حقوق الإنسان عندما تكون جماعته هي الضحية والمطاردة وهذا ما يحدث حاليا في العراق. جميعنا نتذكر تلك اللحظات العصيبة والتي كان يتسابق الرفاق البعثيون على ذكر عدد الشهداء في الدفاع عن مرقد الإمام علي عليه السلام وكأنه مزاد علني في ذكر عدد القتلى فكان هناك تنافس علني ما بين النقيب وعلاوي وشعلان على ذكر أكبر عدد من القتلى.
طبعا المعادلة التي تجمع ما بين علاوي وحقوق الإنسان هي معادلة صعب إدراكها عقليا لأن النقيضين لا يجتمعان سواء في الواقع العيني أو الوجود الذهني. رب ضارة نافعة فعندما يقول علاوي بأن الفترة الحالية تشهد إنتهاكات أكثر من إنتهاكات صدام فهذا سوف يسقطه شعبيا وسياسيا لأن في العقلية الإجتماعية العراقية صدام يمثل الشر المطلق الذي لا يمكن مقارنته بأي إنتهاكات وجرائم وأي محاولة لتجميل الماضي البعثي هي محاولة ساقطة سلفا تسقط قائلها والمروج لها.

[ديك الجن]

العميل الفلسطيني المرتزق عبد الباري دولار يتغزل الآن... بعلاوي !!!


نقلاً عن مستنقع الارتزاق...جريدة القدس العربي المشبوهة:

http://www.alquds.co.uk/index.asp?fn...0حكم%20صدامfff



علاوي والترحم علي حكم صدام

2005/11/28

عبد الباري عطوان

ان يعترف الدكتور اياد علاوي رئيس الوزراء العراقي الاسبق بان انتهاكات حقوق الانسان في العراق تضاهي ما كانت عليه في عهد نظام الرئيس صدام حسين ان لم تكن اسوأ، فإن هذا الاعتراف، يؤكد مجدداً بأن العراق المحرر ، امريكياً وبريطانياً، ليس افضل حالاً، مثلما كان الرئيس الامريكي جورج بوش يكرر في جميع خطاباته التي القاها منذ سقوط بغداد.
الدكتور علاوي، الذي كان من الشخصيات العراقية الابرز التي شاركت، وسهلت الغزو الامريكي للعراق، ذهب الي ما هو ابعد من ذلك في حديث ادلي به الي صحيفة الاوبزرفر البريطانية المعروفة، عندما قال ان الناس وبسبب الانتهاكات نفسها، باتت تترحم علي ايام صدام حسين، الذي حاربناه بسبب تلك الممارسات .

هذه الشهادة الشجاعة لو صدرت عن اي كاتب او مسؤول عربي لووجهت بالتكذيب، وتعرض صاحبها لاقذع الهجمات واشرس الاتهامات، مثل مناصرة الديكتاتورية وتأييد القبور الجماعية، والدفاع عن استخدام الاسلحة الكيماوية ضد المواطنين الابرياء، وتلقي كوبونات النفط، وبناء القصور من اموال صدام.
ندرك جيداً ان الدكتور علاوي يقف حالياً في المعسكر الآخر لحكومة الائتلاف الطائفية التي يرأسها الدكتور ابراهيم الجعفري، ويدعمها السيد آيه اللة علي السيستاني، وهو يخوض حالياً حملة انتخابية يأمل من خلالها حشد اكبر عدد ممكن من القوميين والبعثيين، والسنة والعلمانيين الشيعة خلف قائمته الانتخابية، ولكن الاعتراف بفشل العراق الجديد في تقديم النموذج الديمقراطي المأمول، ومن قبل ابرز اعمدته، يستحق وقفة تأمل، ويمكن ان يسجل مرحلة جديدة من النقد الذاتي والمراجعة الشاملة لكل الاخطاء والخطايا.
فتجربة العامين الماضيين من الغزو والاحتلال، اثبتت انه لا الاحتلال الامريكي قدم هذا النموذج بممارساته المتعددة، ولا القوي السياسية المنبثقة عنه، والمنخرطة في عمليته السياسية كانت اهلاً لهذه المهمة.
فالاحتلال الامريكي تورط في عمليات فساد اخلاقي وانتهاكات لحقوق الانسان دمرت مصداقيته وفضحت كل ادعاءاته، ودفعت رئيساً امريكياً فائزاً بجائزة نوبل للسلام مثل جيمي كارتر للتبرؤ منه والاعتراف بانه يشعر بالعار كأمريكي من وجود ادارة امريكية تدافع عن التعذيب، وتقترف جرائمه في العراق، وان يكرر الشيء نفسه رئيس آخر هو بيل كلينتون.
فإذا كانت الولايات المتحدة زعيمة العالم الحر، والمسؤولة عن حماية القيم الغربية والعمل علي نشرها علي اوسع نطاق ممكن، تنتهك حقوق السجناء في ابو غريب، وتستخدم الفسفور الابيض المحرم دولياً في قصف مدينة الفلوجة، وتضع خططاً لتدمير محطة الجزيرة الفضائية فوق رؤوس العاملين فيها، فلماذا نستغرب ان يفعل الشيء نفسه السيد بيان جبر صولاغ وزير الداخلية، وميليشيات بدر التي يتزعمها السيد عبد العزيز الحكيم زعيم المجلس الاعلي للثورة الاسلامية التي تشكل عماد الشرطة وقوات الامن والحرس الوطني وتتصرف كدولة داخل دولة؟
قوات الامن في زمن العراق الجديد تقيم معتقلات سرية لتعذيب المعتقلين حتي الموت، ولاسباب طائفية صرفة، وهو امر لم يحدث في زمن النظام السابق رغم اعترافنا وادانتنا لكل جرائمه، وانتهاكاته البشعة لحقوق الانسان، وهو النظام الذي اعترف السيد السيستاني بانه لم يكن طائفياً، ولو كان كذلك لما بقي السيد السيستاني نفسه علي قيد الحياة حتي اليوم، وليؤيد تحالفاً طائفياً أساء للشيعة وتاريخهم الوطني في العراق وغير العراق، ولما كان ستة وثلاثون من مجموع اثنين وخمسين من المطلوبين لدي القوات الامريكــية من قيادات النظام السابق هم من الشيعة.
في اقل من ستة اشهر سرقوا ملياري دولار من وزارة الدفاع وحدها، وبات رجالات العراق الجديد وازلامهم يملكون القصور والعمارات الفخمة والارصدة السرية والطائرات الخاصة، بينما لم تعثر الولايات المتحدة، حتي هذه اللحظة، علي قصر واحد لصدام حسين، او أي من اولاده في اي بلد عربي، او غير عربي، بل ان افراد اسرته يعيشون حالياً علي صدقات المحسنين في الاردن واليمن وقطر.

((راح ابجي عالحالهم هههههههه)))

اما قصوره التي بناها في العراق، فقد بقيت للشعب العراقي، ومن المؤلم ان من يقيم فيها حالياً ليس ابناء هذا الشعب، وانما غزاته، والمتعاملين معهم.
نقول هذا الكلام والرجل خلف القضبان وإبناه وحفيده في قبور مجهولة في تكريت، واركان نظامه اما مشردون في اصقاع الارض، او ينتظرون محاكمة الجلادين الجدد، الذين مارسوا ويمارسون جرائم اكبر واكثر وحشية من جرائمهم. وقوائم كوبونات النفط جري نشرها علي الملأ، وبات معروفاً من استفاد من النظام ومن لم يستفد.
اليوم تستأنف محاكمة الرئيس السابق واركان نظامه تحت حراب قوات الاحتلال، ولكن من يستحقون المحاكمة ايضاً هم جميع رموز النظام الجديد، بل ان عقوبة هؤلاء في رأينا يجب ان تكون اشد واكثر صرامة، لانهم قدموا انفسهم علي انهم رسل العدالة وحقوق الانسان والرخاء والنظافة، وطهارة اليد والممارسة فجاءت انجازاتهم كما نراها حالياً علي الارض، خرابا ودمارا وتقسيمات طائفية وعرقية وأقبية تعذيب، وقبورا جماعية والتعاون مع الاحتلال.كان العراق القديم قوياً موحداً آمنا يتمتع بمكانة دولية مرموقة، ودور اقليمي بارز، ويحقق التوازن الاستراتيجي في المنطقة، فحولوه الي بلد ضعيف ممزق، بلا هوية، خاضع للاحتلال، منهوبة ثرواته، مجوعين ابناؤه، مهانة كرامته.
نأمل ان نسمع اعترافات اخري، علي غرار اعتراف الدكتور علاوي، خاصة من مثقفي الاحتلال في العراق والمهجر، نريد ان ينحاز هؤلاء الي ضميرهم، او ما تبقي منه، وان يتخلصوا من اسطوانة القاء كل التبعات علي النظام السابق، ولو مؤقتاً، او ان يساووا بين النظامين علي الاقل، من خلال نقد ذاتي يعيد اليهم مصداقيتهم، ويطهرهم من خطاياهم.
العراق الحالي ليس العراق الجديد المأمول وانما نسخة مزورة ومشوهة ليس لها اي مثيل في تاريخ هذا البلد العريق صاحب سبعة آلاف سنة من الحضارة والابداع. العراق الجديد الحقيقي سينشأ، بعد اطاحة جميع هؤلاء، وتحويلهم الي المحاكم، ووصول نظام ديمقراطي حقيقي ينبذ الطائفية واللصوصية، ويعيد السيادة، والكرامة. فصدام حسين ورفاقه لا يحاكمون اليوم بتهمة الخيانة العظمي ، بل انها التهمة الوحيدة التي لم توجه اليهم، ولكن محاكمات حكام العراق الجديد ستشمل كل التهم الموجهة اليـــــه حالياً من قــــتل وتعذيب ونهب المال العام اضافة الي التواطؤ مع الاحتلال الاجنبي في قتل مئات الآلاف من ابناء العراق، وهي تهمة ربما ترتقي الي تهمة الخيانة العظمي، ان لم تكن اكبر.

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نقول...

ما اسخف و أتفه و أحقر تحليل و كلام هذا المرتزق الفلسطيزي الرخيص !...

أخزاك الله يا علاوي ...و أخزى الله انتهازيتك!

و تباً لك يا أيها المرتزق الفلسطيني السخيف!

[عابرة سبيل2005]

على حسب مافهمت من العراقيين ان اياد علاوي بعثي
هل هذا الكلام صحيح؟!